The booking strategy of the provincial state helped just the upper layers of non-Brahmins in Tamil Nadu. Their strength in the organs of the state and civil government and in instructive establishments and taxpayer supported organizations has proceeded later Independence.


IN the brave period of Tamilagam, until the third century A.D.1, Brahmins, similar to some other gathering of people, were living in Mullai and Marutham parcels. The bunch of Brahmin families were known as parppana-ceri. In spite of the fact that we can see the start of station framework inside the social milieu of Brahmin families, the bigger piece of the Tamil society stayed casteless. With state arrangement and the development of administering houses like Pallavas, Pandyas, Cheras and Cholas, since the 6th century A.D., there was a rush of movement of Brahmins from northern India. As a compensation for the conferment of the situation with Kshatriyas on Vellalas, who were up to that point treated on a standard with Vaishyas, the Vellala rulers gifted prime land in significant stream valley lots to Brahmins. This was trailed by multiplication of “brahmedeya” towns in the rich locales. The new water system innovation that the Brahmins carried with them worked with the development of agrarian excess, which was appropriated by the state and the Brahmins. In the recently made agrarian settlements, a rank based social request arose in which Brahminism turned into a prevailing ideology.
The unbending position framework that had flourished in Tamil soil tracked down its verbalization in left-hand (Idangai) and right-hand (Valangai) struggle, the division of which was established in conflict of interests between land-possessing networks (right hand) and vendor and high quality classes (left hand). The groups supported due to the resistance of the right hand gathering to the left-hand standing individuals utilizing specific advantages they asserted as theirs. The place of debate was over the option to utilize banners in the sanctuary vehicle or to have trumpet blowing before a parade or to ride through the roads in a cart or riding a horse during marriage festivities. Brahmins, who interceded in such challenges, however looked unbiased obviously, secretly upheld the reason for the left-hand standing groups.
As the French Missionary Abbe Dubois commented in the start of nineteenth century, “better taught, really tricky, more sharp witted, with more prominent ability for interest than different Hindus, Brahmins had become imperative not exclusively to all the Hindu rulers, yet Mussulman rulers too…. they have additionally been astute enough to work their direction into favor with the British and possess the most elevated and most worthwhile posts in the diverse managerial sheets and Government workplaces just as in the legal courts of the different districts.” The appearance of European preachers and their supported missions against the various leveled and shifty Hindu rank framework and the quest for the way of sanskritisation by lower standings to beat their debased social position and achieve a higher rank status imagining fantasies and legends, made the right-hand and left-hand groups unimportant.


Robert Caldwell, the principal Anglo-Anglican Bishop of Tirunelveli, was in southern Tamil Nadu in the high early afternoon of the British guideline. His methodology was zealous as well as imperialistic also. Like some other evangelist, he embraced the “Brahmin-despot model” to additional the fervent and majestic interests of Great Britain. Essentially, Caldwell was then speculating when racial thoughts were becoming conspicuous in Western political talk of the nineteenth century. Up to that point “Dravidian” had been utilized more as semantic and topographical articulation. Caldwell compared it with the race. His hypothesis of a racial division among Brahmins and non-Brahmins and his view that Tamil had a place with the Dravidian group of dialects fit the creating political cycles in “Dravidian land” (Tamil Nadu). Tamil researchers could send his works to advance Tamil etymological and social revivalism against Sanskritic revivalism. It was a result of Caldwell’s destructive enemy of Brahmanism, that Brahmins turned out to be progressively recognized as pariahs to Tamil culture and civilisation. He was liable for the rejection of Brahmins from the center elements of the etymologically based Tamil patriotism


At the point when the Western instructed patriots, for the most part Brahmins, disturbed for Indianisation of the magnificent administrations in the last 50% of the nineteenth century, the public authority of British India started to bring up the vile province of Muslim training in India. Afterward, when upper-position non-Brahmin bunches communicated their hatred against Brahmin prevalence in instructive organizations and taxpayer supported organization and requested aproportional share in schooling and work, the public authority requested decennial evaluation in which station was made the fundamental unit for populace count. The result of this was a multiplication of rank relationship to challenge their doled out position in the formally recognized social pecking order. In 1818, the public authority confounded the circumstance by requesting planning of measurements showing the quantity of authorities of different positions in state administrations. It was observed that Brahmins, who comprised 3.5 percent of the populace, held 42.2 percent of the posts that offered a month to month compensation of more than Rs.10, while non-Brahmins, who established 87.9 percent of the populace, were in 36.5 percent of the posts. In positions with a month to month pay of under Rs.10, non-Brahmins represented 55.4 percent of the representatives, while the level of Brahmins in such positions worked out to 19, with Brahmins settled in big time salary sections. The royal government shed fake tears that “the classes that were exploiting schools, public and private all through the nation are the wealthy… what’s more not the majority of the working populace”. In any case, it would not engage the supplications of meriting gatherings of people for instructive concessions.

Demand for fee concession

In Madras, when the notice of 1884 was given to bring down the expenses for students of “natives and low standings”, Saliyar and Kaikolar people group, the two weaving bunches that felt the effect of British expansionism more intensely than some other class, requested charge concession in 1888, The public authority of Madras turned down the interest as unrealistic. Notwithstanding rehashed portrayals for around twenty years, right from the Director of Public Instruction down to assessing officials across the board voice would exclude the craftsman positions in the rundown because craftsmans as a class were neither poor nor instructively in reverse. The Visvakarma people group (establishing goldsmith, metal smith, woodworker, stone bricklayer and smithy, otherwise called Kammalars) similarly endeavored to look for incorporation in the rundown of Scheduled Castes (S.Cs). Immediately, delegates of this local area recommended that the station gathering could be essentially assembled with specific other in reverse Hindu people group. Be that as it may, their interest was not yielded until the finish of pilgrim rule.

The British would not intercede in issues of “distant standing gatherings” by refering to specific convictions and customs in the country. In Bombay, Governor Mountstuart Elphinstone as well as even his replacement, Sir George Clark, was unsympathetic to the reason for Dalits. The last option even as late as 1911 expressed that “the British principle can’t eliminate or abrogate the social incapacities notwithstanding ideas of actual repulsiveness and individual tainting emerging from relationship with Depressed Classes, which were acquired aversions or enmities”. In reverse networks, for example, Vanniyars and Yadavas argued for relative portrayal however the public authority was not ready to oblige the lower layers of society. Indeed, even as late as August 1917, a meeting of authorities, held to consider the topic of naming to public administrations individuals from networks thought about in reverse and unrepresented, concluded that while it was attractive to have all networks taking an interest in the administrations, it was impractical to distribute arrangements in fixed extents to different networks. The main concession shown was that the exceptional assessments led for occupations were made simple and the base capability needed for arrangement to such positions was brought down.
Those engaged with Justice Party governmental issues were drawn for the most part from the upper layers of non-Brahmin standings like Mudaliars, Chettiars and Vellalars among Tamils, Rajus, Reddys and Naidus (Kammas) among Telugus and Nairs among Malayalis. In Tamil regions, huge non-Brahmin standings, for example, Vanniyars, Nadars and Thevars were not really addressed in the Justice Party. The Justice Party was overwhelmed by metropolitan, Western-instructed, land-possessing and proficient class individuals. Along these lines, the Communal G.O. of 1922 was useful just to the elite of the non-Brahmin gatherings. There were a few endeavors to make a political gathering versus the Justice Party to guarantee Backward Class status for the lower layers of society. For example, on March 21, 1932, a few individuals from the Madras Legislative Council met to shape an affiliation called the Backward Classes League. Conspicuous individuals from the League included M.A. Manickavelu Naicker, P.K. Ramachandra Padayachi, Subedar Major Nanjappah (from the Vanniarkula Kshatriyar people group), and H.B. Ari Gowder (an individual from the ancestral Badaga people group in Nilgiri slopes). Manickavelu Naicker, an attorney by calling, especially requested that the public authority partition the Hindu populace into forward (Brahmins and non-Brahmins) and in reverse (classes other than the Depressed Classes), and give reservation just to the regressive classes.

Reservation policy of the colonial state

The Backward Classes League led by C. Basudev, a labour leader and a member of the Legislative Council, met A.Y.G. Campbell, the Revenue Member of the Madras Executive Council who was in charge of the operation of the Communal Quota System in government service recruitment, and pleaded for a separate quota for “backward Hindus”, claiming that the existing communal quota benefitted only the upper strata among non-Brahmins. Campbell concurred with them saying that a substantial section of the backward community cannot, in the existing circumstances, get its fair share in the administration of the country and that as a consequence it was liable to face “oppression”. G.T.H. Bracken, who was Chief Secretary, however, held the contrary view that once a new quota for the Backward Classes was established, the better educated and wealthier among them would monopolise it. Moreover, satisfying one claim would provoke others to stake their claim and this would “further complicate administrative arrangements” Thus, the reservation policy of the colonial state helped only the upper strata of non-Brahmins, who in course of time were found entrenched in various positions of administrative services. The Justice Party’s non-Brahmin movement only helped reduce the presence of Brahmins in public life. In 1937, there were 37 Brahmins in the 215-member Legislative Assembly, constituting 17.2 per cent of the representatives. By 1952, the percentage of Brahmins in the Assembly dropped to 5, and after the creation of Andhra in 1953 by separating the Telugu-speaking northern parts of Madras State, the number was only one. After Independence, following pressure from many caste outfits, including the Backward Classes League, the government revised the Communal G.O. in November 1947. In a unit of 14 appointments, the revised G.O. allocated six (42.9 per cent) to forward non-Brahmin Hindus, two (14.3 per cent) each to backward Hindus, Brahmins, and S.C.s, and one (7.1 per cent) each to Anglo Indians/Christians, and Muslims.14 Thereafter the movement for Backward Classes reservation became defunct for two decades, as the active Vanniyar leaders chose to merge their parties with the Congress.

Commission reports

The predominance of non-Brahmin upper-rank individuals in the organs of the state and city government and in instructive establishments and taxpayer supported organizations proceeded. The A.N. Sattanathan Commission, set up in 1969 by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) government saw that as “almost 70% of the number of inhabitants in the developing ranks, i.e., Padayachi, Kallar and Maravar and a huge level of the Valiyans, Ambalakarans and Boyas; the greater part the Kaikola populace; and the various more modest positions, including hairdressers and washermen, living in states of miserable filth and under conditions barely discernable from those predominant among the Scheduled Castes before Independence.” The Ambasankar Commission, set up on the heading of the Supreme Court during the standard of M.G. Ramachandran in Tamil Nadu, tracked down that in proficient universities, especially in clinical schools just 10.4 percent of the understudies having a place with the Backward Classes had gotten confirmation based on merit. The leftover 89.6 percent could get admission to clinical universities on account of the booking rule.16 However, lamentably, as the Commission recorded, around 144 ranks recorded in the Backward Classes went unrepresented in the clinical school determination records in the a long time from 1980-81 to 1982-83. This implies just 77 ranks could admittance to clinical schooling. The Commission report showed that of the complete number of Backward Classes understudies conceded to proficient courses, more than three-fourths were from few the Backward Classes (34 out of 222) representing something like two-fifths of the all out Backward Classes populace in the State. Of the complete number of Backward Classes grants, the aggregate sum of these grants and applicants of all grades chose by the Public Service Commission, around 66% again went to this somewhat modest number of Backward Classes. Indeed, even inside this modest number, pretty much 33% of the all out Backward Classes populace had cornered as much as 66% of the admissions to proficient courses and the greater part of the grants, and applicants chose by the Public Service Commission. The Commission saw that a couple of position bunches were getting the chances gave in the booking decides and that the individuals who had helped little from reservation ought to be focused on for development. In this unique situation, it suggested separate booking for the meriting networks that had not profited from the reservation strategy Meanwhile, the Vanniyar development, which lay lethargic for around twenty years, reappeared hostilely under the powerful initiative of Dr S. Ramadoss. As the Vanniyar tumult turned savage, the Congress government at the Center, since the State was subject to President’s Authority, attempted to figure out the issue. Be that as it may, the DMK, on expecting office subsequent to winning the 1989 Assembly political decision, requested compartmental reservation in February 1989. Of the general 50% booking for 201 Backward Classes people group representing an expected 67 percent of the State’s populace, it put aside 20% for 39 networks recorded as the most in reverse inside the Backward Classes list and 68 networks recorded as de-advised clans, together representing around 36% of the Backward Classes populace. The Vanniyar Sangam’s last battle finished with this. The Supreme Court scrutinized the booking rule continued in Tamil Nadu in its judgment in 1992 (Indira Sauhney versus Union of India, prominently known as the Mandal Commission case) decided that the total of reservation couldn’t surpass 50%. In the interim, J. Jayalalithaa turned into the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu. To outmaneuver her political adversary and DMK boss M. Karunanidhi, she passed the Tamil Nadu Act of 1994 to give 69% reservation (30% for Backward Classes, 20% for the Most Backward Castes, 18% for S.Cs and 1 percent for Scheduled Tribes). In this way, when there was a cross country against reservation fight in 2006, Tamil Nadu kept even-tempered. M.S. Janardhanan, a resigned High Court judge who was the one-man Commission set up by the DMK government in 2006, suggested 3.5 percent unique booking for Muslims inside the Backward Classes amount. Karunanidhi, in light of a request by the Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam, gave a law first and later the governing body passed an (Act of 2007). A comparable interest was made for Arunthathiyar people group by the Aadhi Thamizhar Peravai drove by Athiyaman. This was upheld by the Communist Party of India (Marxist). This interest was likewise alluded to the Janardhanan Commission, which suggested 3.5 percent booking for Arunthathiyar and other related sub-gatherings, for example, Madharis and Chakkiliyars inside the 18% quantity for the S.Cs. The DMK government followed up on the proposal and yielded the interest of the Arunthathiyars.21 Although Jayalalithaa called it a political extortion at first, she later upheld it. Dr Krishnaswamy’s Puthiya Tamilagam went to court against the choice. Albeit the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi boss Thol. Tirumavalavan upheld the public authority’s turn, his party ideologue D. Ravikumar requested 19% booking for S.Cs.22 The Backward Classes Commission of Tamil Nadu, in its report submitted to the public authority on July 8, 2011, suggested for the public authority’s determination to hold 69% reservation in the State and completely expressed that prohibition of the velvety layer was not justified, as the ‘Lakshman rekha’ has not been crossed.”

What is the purpose of reservation policy?

The booking strategy is a well established approach being drilled in India. Its starting point has its foundations dissipated from the antiquated occasions when the act of ‘distance’, standing framework and Varna framework was predominant in the general public. In old occasions, the Hindu society was partitioned based on Varna, Jatis or classes and they were as per the following in the dropping request of their social order the Brahmans, the Kshatriyas, the Vaisyas and the Shudras. There was one more class of individuals or rather no class individuals known as “untouchables” or “avarna” that is who has no class. These untouchables were viewed as unclean for society and were avoided from the social framework. They needed to live external the town and had no friendly freedoms. In certain pieces of the country like Southern India, assuming even their shadow was casted on the high society individuals then it was viewed as that the individual has sullied. There were severe limitations on them for parties and public activity and assuming that they disregarded any normal practice, they were seriously rebuffed and sometimes were even killed. The division of society on the standards of immaculateness and pollution was an exceptionally coldblooded framework, and it effectsly affected the turn of events and development of these lower class individuals where the ability and work of an individual were perceived simply on the ground of him being an individual from a lower

Difference between quota and reservation – what is the need of the hour?

Reservation and amounts are interrelated components. Without allocated reservations, a standard can’t exist. Reservation is the demonstration of saving a piece of something for a particular reason. A standard for a booking directs the amount of that specific thing will be saved as per the reservation.
For India’s situation, the demonstration of reservation is holding seats in instructive organizations, and certain work environments, for specific stations and classes of society which are considered ‘in reverse’, those being the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Castes, and so forth Standards for the equivalent characterize how much level of complete seats will be doled out to every individual minority bunch.
Accordingly, the need of great importance falls less on standards themselves yet on reservation as a training. Reservation is the need of great importance, however not in its present status.
Reservation should be adjusted in a way wherein it gives seats to segments of society who are monetarily frail, rather than reservations based on cultural contrasts.
On the off chance that such a change, while exceptional, was to be executed, it would prompt the disintegration of a ton of public conflict that exists because of standing based reservations, while likewise ensuring held seats for the individuals who are in genuine need of it.


  • Article 15(4) – Special Provision for Advancement of Backward Classes
  • Constitution (93rd amendment) Act, 2006: Provision for Reservation of Backward, SC and ST classes in private educational institutions (article 15(5))
  • Reservation of posts in public employment on the basis of residence (Article 16(3))
  • Reservation for backward classes in public employment (Article 16(4)
  • The relevance of Article 335.
  • Other Articles of Indian Constitution covering the Reservation Policy
Landmark judgments regarding reservation
  • Indra Sawhney V. Union of India – The Mandal Case
  • M.R. Balaji and Ors. v. State of Mysore AIR 1963 SC 649
  • State of UP v. Pradeep Tandon AIR 1975 SC 563
  • State of Madras v. Smt. Champakan Dorairajan [1951] S.C.R. 525


The booking strategy in India was taken on with motivation to inspire specific stations who were oppressed to monstrosities, social and financial backwardness because of the predominant strength of standing framework in Hindu Society. This explanation has some place lost its substance in the cutting edge period, and the standings that ought to be really benefitted are not being benefitted, and the others are receiving the rewards of the booking framework that is really not implied for it. Today, the booking framework has quite recently turned into an apparatus for legislators to acquire vote banks. The new disturbance from the Patels of Gujarat to remember them for the class of OBC was stunning for the whole country, as individuals who were unsettling to get reservations in the province of Gujarat were in no ways socially and monetarily in reverse. In the State of Tamil Nadu, the booking framework ended up being a ruin for the general public wherein the Brahmans had cunningly stirred themselves down in the class of the retrogressive temporary fad and had acquired massively from the reservation framework. For these potential reasons, the Creamy Layer has been avoided from the rundown of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and OBC later the milestone Mandal Case. In one of the milestone choices of Ashok Kumar Thakur v. Association of India, Justice Ravindran smelling the risks from the current pattern on the booking had properly thought that when more individuals aim for backwardness rather than imposition, the actual Country deteriorates. It is very difficult to proclaim Reservation strategy as positive or negative as those profiting from it would consistently uphold it and pronounce it to be great while the individuals who are being confused due to the framework would consistently revile it and announce it to be awful. However, what makes a difference the most isn’t that whether the booking strategy is positive or negative rather what is important is the ticket and the explanation for its reception. Assuming that reason is losing its embodiment, then, at that point, obviously, the booking strategy would slowly end up being awful. The political guilty pleasure during the time spent reservation has simply diminished from a respectable plan to a procedure to build the vote bank.

Additionally, a great deal of analysis has been made on the rules of reservations. The socially and financially in reverse classes are not really in down to earth and genuine sense socially and monetarily in reverse, the main stamp of being from a retrogressive station is sufficient to acquire benefits for the sake of reservations. The booking strategy is great till the point some meriting competitor isn’t botching upon his chance as a result of the predominant reservation framework. I track down no good excuse for giving admissions to undeserving understudies over meriting understudies Assuming that these classes of individuals have been denied open doors in past, then, at that point, the situation is being rehashed with the overall class in the present. The undeserving ought not harvest the products of the work of the meriting. We additionally need to comprehend that when we talk about improvement then all the while we can’t discuss backwardness.

Assuming we would request increasingly more backwardness, then, at that point, it is clear we can’t push ahead, and we can not push ahead, our advancement would eventually get stale. The essence of the idea of the adoption of reservation policy genuinely must ought to be kept up with, and the real in reverse classes who are in genuine and not fiction denied admittance to instruction, open positions and so forth be benefitted. This booking strategy ought not turn into a stepping stool to get on the steps of benefit, cash and other related interests for the individuals who are simply wandering with the stamp of being a retrogressive class and are entirely and financially substantially more steady than the overall class.

Aishwarya Says:

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